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In this case, the way the writer produces his text puts or presupposes both the addressee in a tacit alignment relation and the proposition he advocates in question is taken as given.
Thus, the effectiveness of a sharing of the value or belief promoted by the writer is high, because he bases his proposition on a universally accepted way, thus excluding or strongly compromising any disclaim that may arise. As Martin and White point out, the emphasis implies the presence of some resistance to the voice that is expressed or to the propositions and values asserted in the text. This strategy, according to Martin and White , p. Lower, we have a Letter to the Reader, published on August 3, , approximately two months after the release of a video by Veja showing a director of the Post Office receiving and explaining the bribe that came to his board The Letter to the Reader is somewhat exemplary as to the depoliticized, objective and impartial posture of Veja magazine.
This is because it is clearly stated alongside who is represented by it, whom it addresses and for what reason. In the Letter to the Reader, we find this universal attitude of the magazine. This is a strategic form of engaging with the audience.
Taking itself as the representative of the nation, Veja is transformed in an agent representative of all; it hides in a homogenization of a we all. Its discourse, therefore, is presented as an articulation and condensation of the interests of Brazilians. Corruption, in this case, appears as a guiding element, as a nodal point that congregates the nation around the discourse of Veja, at least to all those who are against those who do evil to the country.
In the analyzed texts, corruption plays a preponderant moral role, since it bears the indignation that would manifest itself in society, but with the aid of discourses that not only testifyit, but that rather direct the look, the understanding, the way to envisage social and political reality — in short, with a discourse which supposedly belongs to all. It is this mission that Veja carries out week after week, since it was released in September During the military dictatorship, when the magazine was born, the control of the power of the press was hampered by censorship, this when it not completely prevented.
Once democracy reinstated, the gag was replaced — so much the better — by the scream of inspected ones. There are those who sing it now, because the magazine makes an extensive and in-depth coverage of scandals that put in question the Lula government.
As if overly proven facts were an inconsequential gossip.
As if Veja were antipetista. Nothing further from the truth. The magazine is not nor has ever been, an enemy of political forces. It was not antiCollor when it denounced the scheme of PC Farias treasurer; it was not antitucano at a time when the Fernando Henrique Cardoso government was tarnished by corruption schemes. Veja is not the enemy of certain political parties nor friend of others.
The magazine is simply in favor of Brazil. It is against those who mistreat it, those who steal it. The view of the nation. It is the voice of someone who has social and political prestige in Brazil. At least, that is the image that many people have often imputed to Rui Barbosa and to his political discourse, which contains excellent rhetoric and exemplifies the manliness of his character.
It emerges as a force that defends the magazine against accusations that it was being submitted by uncovering cases of mistreatment and misuse of the public institutions, as well as by reinforcing how the role of the magazine should be: to monitor the power for the good of the country.
In this case, the attribution is not done against someone specific, but rather against those who have been accused of committing irregularities in power. This attribution has its esteem reduced,even if not specific to someone, but to those who are in error with the State. It does not invalidate at any moment the activity of Veja for supervising the power, but rather builds solidarity with the reader, represented as the population whose money is stolen by politicians.
The TENACITY of certain phrases attributed to the journalistic posture of the magazine only further credits the positive value it has before the activities that it carries out in the national journalistic and political scenario. In this way, the magazine construes the image of itself as that of a reliable someone, who practices its craft for the good of all, as it is evident at the end of the text. This is what makes the ethos of impartial commonly attributed to informational journalism to be so well justified and validated, especially when the facts lose their factual and contingent dimension, in order to assume the character of own reality.
Instead of being seen as a way of envisaging the reality, the facts become incontestable aspects of it. Thus, the magazine draws the strength both of impartial identity and of its propositions from the certainty of the objectivity, and not from the relativity of its subjectivity. It eliminates here at first sight the resistance of voices that would contradict what the magazine presents.
The magazine is not, nor has ever been, an enemy of political forces. In addition, it reinforces its tenacious character in the persecution and denunciation of those who fill Brazil with opprobrium, not because of political and partisan differences with respect to the denounced, but rather because of a civic, integrity, virtuous and republican duty that puts it at the side of the nation, of good government, and not of evildoers.
However, the recurrent presence of linguistic-discourse resources of ATTITUDE reveals a second conclusion that undermines the idea of separating particular and ideological interests in the linguistic forms mobilized by the magazine. This demonstrates that there is a political discourse and proposal to support it and guide it to itself your audience.
Far from the principles of a rational, deliberative democracy, concerned with consensus and communicative rationality, this means that the magazine is guided by political and particular issues in its representations. Therefore, it marks the argumentative and evaluative orientation present in its attitudinal evaluations, albeit surreptitiously denied, for being against all those who steal and mistreat the nation.
This shows that political guidelines and decisions can not be isolated from value and ideological pluralism as the advocates of deliberative democracy propose, or that they are politically neutral enough for rational solutions to be proposed to the detriment of values, policies and ideologies.
Thus, it is evident that the idea of a journalistic identity that would support a more newsworthy, more informative, less oriented to opinion and politically commit to what it reports, is construed as an attempt to deny political and ideological values, and as the political actor of the public sphere.
The report is written almost in its entirety by verifications, with little recourse to other voices. When these are mobilized, they are only to reinforce the main theses of journalists that are still able to construe and align the audience as someone who is in perfect agreement with everything they say.
In addition, they draw the reality of events in their own way by the endorsement of the data, facts and voices of experts. The central theme of the report is about corruption. In Brazil, where the situation of the economy still has no resemblance to the turbulence of the rich countries, the same mask has come to decorate anti-corruption demonstrations. In his indignation against the totalitarian regime that dominates England in , the masked V blew Parliament sky-high.
Here, in a democratic regime, no one in sound mind would defend the explosion of institutions. But there are plenty of reasons to get angry and take to the streets demanding a reformation of politics and politicians.. Brazilians are exposed almost daily by the press - and especially by this magazine - to reports that reveal shameful practices of corruption at all levels of government.
Each of these scandalous cases provokes an outbreak of indignation in good men, but, as soon as new denunciations appear, honest people are led to redirect indignation to another target and, after all, they feel lost and helpless.
Veja proposes to examine in this report the phenomenon of corruption in its completeness, especially analyzing the losses that the constant robbery of our money causes in each one of us. The indignation against corruption has gained strength in recent months, when President Dilma Rousseff dismissed four ministers involved in irregularities. The last one was Orlando Silva, Minister of Sports. Now we must urgently take the next step, which is to staunch the bleeding of the national wealth - because the current mechanisms of prevention and punishment of corruption are not working.
There is of course the presence of other voices in the text, but, as we can see, they are only to reinforce and endorse what journalists advocate.
The assumptions of the sentences are that the audience knows and even shares the facts to which the journalists report. In this sense, it is evident that Veja elects the government in question as the maximum expression of the corruption and indignation of the Brazilian population, to whom the writers address themselves and with whom they share the general feeling of indignation.
It is as if the then cases of corruption in the Ministries Esplanade were the fuse, the the last straw that overflowed the limit of the pusillanimity of the Brazilians. In responding to the interests of academic institutions and companies eager to promote therapeutic novelties, journalists may give in to exaggerated promises, which open the way to disappointment if medicines fail to meet expectations [Nelkin, , p. Public communication about the possibility of a new drug can bring visibility, credibility and money to people, institutions and companies.
In , after US physician Judah Folkman announced that two compounds identified by his team reduced tumor growth, the share value of biotech company EntreMed, which held the rights to the compound, quadrupled [Kolata, ; Cooke, , p.
Similarly, on the basis of a failed collaborative experience, a Brazilian researcher responsible for one of the examined compounds commented that companies might be more interested in the prestige of a partnership with a public university than in actually investing in the development of new drugs. The optimism about the future of compounds in the initial phase of evaluation was inconsistent and reflects the lack of knowledge about drug development and the peculiarities of scientific production and represents an attempt to draw the attention of readers, as argued by Dentzer [ ], creating expectations that can hardly be met.
Most interpretations of the future of the molecules announced were premature, reflecting the hope of moving forward rather than solid connections between research centres, pharmaceutical companies and government, which may effectively result in new drugs. The coverage of the molecules discovered or under development was as uncritical as that of newly launched drugs [Vaz and Portugal, ; Clair, ].
The news about molecules with biological activity present characteristics of science journalism identified in other studies. Amorim and Massarani [ ] found that science news emphasised discovery and paid hardly any attention to context. This view characterises the classic approach of science journalism, marked by the enthusiasm for the scientist and science, emphasising positive results and certainty about the continuity of the research presented.
As an alternative, a wider approach considers science as a collective phenomenon and values the diversity of actors and uncertainties [Fioravanti, ]. The results of this study highlight the need for a review of the role of journalists, who could act more as watchdogs than as cheerleaders, as proposed by Rensberger [ ].
In that sense, one of the possibilities to improve the quality of the coverage on new drug candidates is to widen the view to other actors and points of view, in addition to the scientists and their institutions. Essential for the continuity of scientific work, the connections between researchers, laboratories, universities, companies and funding and regulatory agencies should be verified, not just assumed. Journalists could examine obstacles, checking whether there are any funding, any suitable laboratories and research teams, if the active principle was isolated, if its toxicity was assessed, who would produce the compound in sufficient quantity for the evaluation tests, if the institution which hosts the research is ready to partner with companies and who would be producing similar drugs.
It is crucial to keep in mind that the advancement of a molecule depends not only on its qualities but also on a network of collaborations and significant investments to enable the necessary tests for its approval, production and commercialisation. The obstacles are so great that in the whole world most biologically active compounds hardly go beyond the laboratories in which they are identified.
Science becomes much richer when viewed as a collective social construction resulting from the negotiations, conflicts, alliances, and interests of diverse groups of actors, including scientists, journalists, businessmen and leaders of academic and governmental institutions [Latour, , p.
According to Nelkin [ , p. By presenting science as a separate culture from other human activities, away from conflicts and social values, and ignoring the process of production and use of scientific knowledge, journalists contribute to the obscuring of science and benefit scientists who seek status and autonomy [Nelkin, , pp.
However, a more qualified and impartial performance of journalists may not be enough to improve coverage of science, which also depends on the interests of editors, publications and the science image they intend to convey to their audiences.
A more mature approach to science journalism implies the use of moderation. Scientists may be explicitly optimistic, but journalists should not follow suit, when they wish to exercise impartiality and exemption, two guiding principles of this profession. Journalists should be wary of deadlines for completing the assessment tests provided by scientists, since uncertainty is high in science [Fioravanti, ]. Dentzer [ ] recommends that journalists stop publishing black-and-white, extreme-sized news stories and start to consider more nuances to describe complex realities.
Nelkin [ , p. Rensberger [ ] argues that journalists must learn about the processes of scientific production to interpret the findings. The detachment and independent and analytical thinking can still be very useful in guiding science journalism. They would also like to express their sincere appreciation to their partners at JCOM, who provided excellent suggestions that significantly contributed to enhancing this work.
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