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The final expulsion of the Stuarts constitutes a new era, at which it is necessary to pause and notice what has been the effect on the condition of the mass of the people, and what they themselves have been doing amid these extraordinary revolutions. We have, however, detailed the alterations in the constitution, the laws, and the church with so much minuteness, that little more is required of us on those heads in this review. From the commencement of the reign of Charles I. On the death of Charles at the hands of his subjects, in , the commons of England, then sitting as the Long parliament, became the supreme power in the state, declaring themselves so without king or house of lords. But Cromwell's victories enabled him to dismiss this parliament summarily, and from that time forward England was under the dictatorship of Cromwell, who endeavoured to rule by the assistance of a parliament, but found it impossible, and held the reins of government himself, with the aid of a small council. All the ancient forms of the constitution were thus completely broken down; yet, in no period of our history, as we have seen, were the laws more efficiently administered, or the liberties of the subject more respected; never was the power of the nation more acknowledged abroad. Cromwell was, it is true, too much occupied with maintaining his novel power against a swarm of public and private opponents to be able to carry out all the reforms in the abuses of the state which he contemplated; but he made, or the Long Parliament made, some very sweeping ones. This was a regulation received with great repugnance by the lawyers, and overthrown at the restoration. In the same year certain oppressive fees, called damage-clear, or damna clericorum which had been paid to the clerks of the different law courts before judgment could be executed, were abolished; and this salutary reform was confirmed by a special act of , that is, after the restoration, so that it became a perpetual gain. In an act was passed, allowing marriages to be effected before a magistrate, and introducing the simple Scotch custom of a declaration of the parties that they took each other as husband and wife being sufficient. This very reasonable reform, which exempted dissenters from the necessity of going to the churches of the establishment to solemnise their marriages, was also done away with at the restoration, and never recovered by the public till , when dissenters were also authorised to have their marriages effected by their own ministers. At the same time, August, , an act was passed establishing registers of marriages, deaths, and births in every parish—a most important regulation. In Cromwell and his council exerted themselves to put down those cruel and debasing sports which had been the delight of the English court as well as of the people—cock-fighting, bull and bear-baiting, and similar practices Colonels Pride and Hewson destroyed the bear gardens which had been so eagerly and constantly frequented by queen Elizabeth, and killed the bears—a circumstance which gave rise to the celebrated poem of "Hudibras," by Butler.

Now we enter a new chapter. Showing 40 of results that match your query. Use Nature Soundmap to discover the wonderful soundscapes and. Sound Steps Walking. Official Homepage for Discovery. Students will create a booklet of what they discover. Pass out six " Sound Waves Seen" activity. Airplane; effect; effects. A Milford Sound Nature Cruise has a flexible itinerary that gives you plenty of time to.

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The changing nature of prostitution appears to have influenced the entire structure of early modern society. The end of regulated prostitution resulted, moreover, in a disintegration of patriarchal power and a certain amount of female empowerment.

In fact, a unilateral interpretation of prostitutes as simple exchange goods fails to consider several instances where we can see female self-expression overcome male command.

Finally, because there was also a distortion of gender relationships in early modern theatre with men playing women, we must also take into account the possibility of alternative perspectives on men traditionally considered as commodity themselves.

Hostess Quickly O Jesu, he doth it as like one of these harlotry players as ever I see!

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In so doing, she points to a whole range of market exchange systems and financial compensation inspired by whoredom such as acting. The first theatres gradually began to attract a crowd of spectators away from of the city of London towards the Liberties. The new theatres were thus contained socially, such as when one hundred and forty local residents petitioned to oppose the reconstruction of the Theatre; this was in the wealthy inner London Blackfriars district, when the lease for the land it was originally built upon ran out in Further, there was also a close relationship between the early modern stage and prostitution because theatre owners were also often brothel proprietors.

These included the notorious impresario, Philip Henslowe c.

Unsurprisingly, Puritan sources made a pejorative assimilation of the play and the whorehouse. Glynne Wickham Camb The shareholders held full ownership of the building; the non-shareholders of the company were liable for all production costs, including their own wages, in exchange for the use of the theatre.

Although the collective theatre ownership model was in its infancy at the end of the sixteenth century, the cooperative enterprise was recognised by the State and its growing activities consolidated and covered costs as a stable and successful enterprise. Actors and sex workers were officially contained in the same places and were bound by restrictive legislation that linked them, both morally, in the collective imagination, and in terms of contemporaneous commerce, or fact.

Early modern society encouraged a network of legal contracts and cultural boundaries to constrain individual freedom yet, contrary to expectations and no doubt to the great displeasure of the city fathers and its Puritans, prostitutes and players could also testify to a certain degree of social dignity and financial independence as legislation also created a possibility for cooperation and a certain collective well-being.

As a factor of stimulation and social emulation, commodity could have the effect of making another voice heard—that of agency, which was reclaimed by those who were traditionally objectified. The ability to acknowledge and adapt to such new market systems was paramount. Within brothel scenes this entails the consideration of a transfer of power from subject to object, in an inversion of the early modern hierarchy of self, presided by God, and then men, to whom women were subordinate.

Her challenge to authority upon her person also includes movement from a consumable object to that of provider. You owe me money, […] I bought you a dozen of shirts to your back. Quickly is sexually exploited by Falstaff in the same way he exploits her generosity with regards to clothes or food; she is shown to be a victim in both cases and neither obtains recompense nor respect for her pains.

Performance of the character of Quickly clearly reinstates the right to self-expression as well as establishing the centrality of gender issues rather than simply market-orientated ones in this instance. James C.

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Extraordinary they must appear after the perusal of our preceding chapters of this monarch's reign. True, he and his ministers did not dare formally to abolish Magna Charta or the Petition of Rights, nor even to revive the courts of the Star-chamber and High Commission; but they discovered the means of leaving the securities of the constitution dead letters.

It is true that Charles was compelled to call together parliaments more frequently to supply his necessities; but when they failed to do this, he had a resource in selling himself and all the best interests of his country to the French king for money.

But admitting that he was more politic in his treatment of parliament than his father or grandfather, was he less tyrannic, or did he less invade the laws and liberties of the country? Have we forgotten that he enslaved every considerable corporation in the country, including that of London, by arbitrarily suppressing their ancient charters by writs of quo warranto, and thus compelled them to return such members to parliament as he chose?

That he pursued a similar course in the counties, obtaining from venal and arbitrarily-appointed sheriffs similar returns? That with these packed parliaments he drained the country of money to spend on his parasites and mistresses, and to the neglect and damage of all the vital interests of the nation?

Was this no invasion of the fundamental privileges of the subject? The fundamental privileges of the subject were swamped altogether in the substitution of mock parliaments for real representatives of the people. Have we forgot, too, that judge after judge was set aside till Charles had found men subservient enough to pass such judgments as he pleased Mr. Hallam says, "There were no means of chastising political delinquencies except through the regular tribunals of justice, and through the verdict of a jury.

Ludlow, one of them who had escaped to Switzerland, says:—"This important business was delayed during the time that Mr. Love was to continue sheriff of London, he being no way to be induced, either by fear or hopes, to permit juries to be packed in order to second the designs of the court. What regular trials and what juries had the unfortunate catholics who perished under the base evidence of such men as Titus Oates, Bedloe, Prance, Dugdale, and that perjured crew?

What constitutional protection under such judges as Jeffreys, and Treby, and Scroggs, with tory sheriffs and packed tory juries, had lord Russell and Algernon Sidney? With these criminal proceedings were joined civil proceedings scarcely less formidable. But the chief directions which the infringement of the liberties of the subject took in the reign of Charles II.

Charles was not long in forgetting his promise of freedom of conscience in his famous "Declaration of Breda. Besides all presbyterians and independents being driven out of the pulpits of the state, a series of the most tyrannical acts were passed to drive all dissenters out of every office of trust and honour, and to punish them for assembling to worship in the most private manner according to their own form of worship.

There was the corporation act passed in , compelling every one, before being admitted to any office in any municipal corporation, to take the sacrament according to the fashion of the established church, and to subscribe the declarations abjuring the solemn league and covenant, and against the lawfulness of taking up arms against the king on any pretence whatever. Having thus barred the church and corporations effectually to every honest man who did not hold the faith of the predominant church party to the tittle, the dissenters were pursued to their own meetings and punished there.

An act against seditious conventicles, commonly called the conventicle act, was passed in , by which every person found at a dissenting meeting where above five persons were present, was punishable by fine, or three months' imprisonment; and for a third offence was transported for seven years! Nor was this deemed enough. Thoroughly to crush all teaching of religion except in churches, a new act, called the five-mile act, was passed the following year, , by which every dissenting minister found within five miles of the place where he had ever preached was fined forty pounds!

Besides these most oppressive enactments, which let loose the base tribe of spies and informers on the whole dissenting world— this very world to which Charles, in his declaration of Breda, had promised liberty of conscience—a still more atrocious act was passed in against conventicles, by which even children above sixteen years of age were fined five shillings for attendance at such meetings, and ten shillings for a second and every subsequent appearance there; and the preacher was fined twenty pounds for the first offence, and forty pounds for every subsequent one; the master of the house where the meeting was held being fined twenty pounds each time.

Authority was given to break open any man's door where he was informed that such meeting was holding, and take all present into custody. Where, then, was Magna Charta? Where the boast that every man's house was his castle? Lastly, there was the test act passed in , extending the disabilities of dissenters and catholics from corporations, to parliament, and every office under the crown.

In fact, instead of Charles not stretching the prerogative, and not violating the privileges of the subject, as Mr. Is it possible to conceive a people more thoroughly enslaved—tied up hand, foot, tongue, and pen, for the press at the same time was under the strictest censorship? Is it possible to depict or imagine a monarch more absolutely master of all the laws and liberties of a nation than this same Charles, whom Mr.

Hallam declares to have been so tender of the national freedom, so moderate in the exercise of the prerogative? But what is more astonishing is to find "Knight's Pictorial History "—a history generally so impartial and judicious—echoing and extending this most palpable fallacy.

Subscribing to Mr. Hallam's statement, the writer of Knight's History says:—"We must admit that, however dark might be the designs of Charles, there were no such general infringements of the public liberty in his reign as had occurred before the Long Parliament. And when," he says, "we add to this the effective abolition of illegal or arbitrary imprisonment by the habeas corpus act, and the extinction of the practice of torture, noticed in the last book, it will be perceived that the paring the talons of the prerogative had undergone in the period now under review was far from inconsiderable.

The scandalous practice of coercing or intimidating judges by fines or imprisonment, which had been of occasional occurrence in former times, may be said to have been put down in the reign of Charles II.

We have shown how entire was the suppression of the liberty of the subject in the enumeration of the seven celebrated acts of this reign. True, in , the 31st of Charles II.

Writs of habeas corpus were of very ancient date, and, says Hallam, "It is a very common mistake, and that not only amongst foreigners, but many from whom some knowledge of our constitutional laws might be expected, to suppose that the statute of Charles II. It was this lust of power in Charles's government, and the servile subtlety of crown lawyers, which had so firmly extinguished the security of the subject in this reign, and rendered an effort necessary to check these evils.

But, as we have shown, Charles rendered the habeas corpus act a dead letter in his time by his system of corrupt judges who then depended entirely on him, by corrupt sheriffs, extinction of corporation charters, and packed juries.

The difference betwixt his reign and that of his father was simply this—that in his father's time the nation was resolute for its liberties, and contended with him step by step for them; in his own time the reaction of royalty had for a long period quelled the public spirit, and given him a grand advantage over both parliament and people.

The despotism was not less, but the resistance was less. Perhaps in no reign, referring to Knight's own pages, was there a more frightful disregard to the independence of juries or of witnesses. Knight does admit that Penn and Meads jury were coerced and fined, but treats that as a rare case. It were easy to furnish, from Besse's "History of the Sufferings of the Friends,"' scores—we might almost say hundreds—of such cases, to say nothing of the trials of other dissenters and state prisoners.

So far from Jeffreys desisting from the practice of coercing juries and browbeating witnesses, after judge Vaughan had reversed the decision of the court of Old Bailey in Penn's case in , we find him, in , in the succeeding reign, indulging in the utmost licence of that kind.

Take, for example, the trial of Alice Lisle, for harbouring a refugee from the battle of Sedgemoor, one of Monmouth's officers, where, as Macaulay shows, he coerced and abused the jury till they gave a verdict contrary to their own convictions; and his treatment of one of the witnesses was such—threatening him with hell-fire and the like—that the man became dumb with terror. But most unfortunate of all is the assertion of Knight that there was an "extinction of torture in Charles's reign. This was the reign under which the covenanters were driven to desperation, and roused to rebellion by the indiscriminate disregard to every principle of civil or religious right in their cases, and this the period of the horrors perpetrated on them by Tweeddale, Lauderdale, James duke of York, Claverhouse, Turner, and other officers.

This was the time when the thumbscrews and iron boot wore in infernal operation, and James sate and gloated on the agonies of the sufferers which drove from the scene the most hardened of the other persecutors. Torture extinguished in the reign of Charles II.!

Such falsifications of history demand the fullest exposure; and for that we need only refer the reader to the very pages of those who would thus represent the fact. Under James, when he came to the throne, tyranny assumed a new shape. His design was to establish popery, and therefore he withdrew the persecutions of the dissenters, and even attempted to repeal the test act. But his intentions wore too transparent; all parties took the alarm at the idea of the restored dominance of the catholics, and therefore all parties in the state, except a few of the dissenters who had groaned the most bitterly under the tortures of persecution, were united against him.

It was a question of life or death to the Anglican church; and a church persecuting and the same persecuted were found to be two different things. The church and all its aristocratic supporters, presbyterians, independents, were all now united for one object—to drive out the popish king, and they did it. It was fortunate for liberty that James, within the short space of three years, crowded more uncompromising acts of arbitrary defiance of the constitution, and more of ferocious cruelty than had been exhibited in England since the reign of Henry VIII.

The spirit of the nation and of parliament; which was beginning to show itself again even before the death of Charles, was now effectually roused to be rid of the Stuart dynasty altogether. It was then found, rather than in Charles's reign, that the spirit of Hampden, Cromwell, Selden, Pym, and the rest of the great men of the commonwealth, had rather slumbered than was dead, and that their acts were still destined to be the salvation of the nation.

Besides the passing of the habeas corpus act, as already referred to, during this period, parliament made some progress in defining the peculiar business and privileges of each house. On the lords resuming their legislative powers at the restoration, they resumed the right of appeal to them from the courts of common law and of the court of chancery, which they had long exercised as the supreme court of judicature as well as of legislation. But after the restoration the lords proceeded to receive appeals from the courts of equity, against which extension of privilege the commons remonstrated, and soon came into actual collision, from the circumstance that some of the parties appealed against were members of the commons' house.

This the commons resented as a breach of their privileges, which exempted their members from legal process during the session of the house. In the lords went further than appeals, and entertained an original application to them from Thomas Skinner, a merchant of London, against the East India Company. This the commons resented as not only a breach of privilege—inasmuch as the lords had fined Sir Samuel Bamardiston, the governor of the East India Company, and imprisoned him, the said Sir Samuel being a member of their house—but they denied the right of the lords to entertain original suits at all.

The collision was violent and prolonged, and was only got rid of by the king advising them to erase all proceedings on the subject from their respective journals. This settled the question of the lords entertaining original suits, but not the right of appeal from courts of equity; and in the lords again entertained an appeal of Dr.


Thomas Shirley against Sir John Fagg, who being also a member of the house of commons, was resisted by the commons on the score of privilege. The contest was only got rid of by parliament being prorogued for upwards of a year, namely, from November, , to February, , after which this particular appeal was never revived, but the lords continued to exercise their claim to decide appeals from the courts of equity.

Another point which the commons at this period asserted and carried out was the right of originating all money bills, and everything which went to lay a charge on the people.

Anciently grants of supply were made separately each house, and the clergy granted for themselves in convocation; but about the middle of the fourteenth century the two houses fell into the practice of granting supplies jointly. In the reigns of Elizabeth and James the form changed to that of the commons granting with consent of the lords. It began to be felt by the commons that, as they were the immediate representatives of the people, it was their particular duty to discharge this function.

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