Imagined Communities. Reflections on the Origin and. Spread of Nationalism. —. •. —. —. BENEDICT ANDERSON. Revised Edition. VERSO. London • New. IMAGINED COMMUNITIES. Benedict Anderson. INTRODUCTION. My point of departure is that nationality, or, as one might prefer to put it in view of that word's . Benedict Anderson’s remarkable book Imagined Communities reshaped the study of nations and nationalism. Imagined Communities stimulated attention to the dynamics of socially and culturally organized imagination as processes at the heart of political culture, self-understanding.
|Language:||English, Spanish, Arabic|
|Distribution:||Free* [*Registration Required]|
Crossroads ISSN Vol. 9, No. 2 pp. Andris Zimelis* Imagining Nations: Benedict Anderson's Imagined Communities and Jorg Haider's “Austrian ”. Breuilly, John () Benedict Anderson's imagined communities: a symposium. His book Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of. Imagined Communities. Reflections on the Origin and. Spread of Nationalism. •. BENEDICT. ANDERSON. Revised Edition. vVERSO. London New York.
Ultimately it is this fraternity that ways, religious thought also responds to obscure intimations of immortality, makes it possible, over the past two centuries, for so many millions of people, generally by transforming fatality into continuity karma, original sin, etc.
In not so much to kill, as willingly to die for such limited imaginings.
Who experiences their child's conception and birth nationalism: what makes the shrunken imaginings of recent history scarcely without dimly apprehending a combined connectedness, fortuity, and fatality in more than two centuries generate such colossal sacrifices? I believe that the a language of 'continuity'?
The century of the cenotaphs and tombs of Unknown Soldiers. The public ceremonial reverence Enlightenment, of rationalist secularism, brought with it its own modern accorded these monuments precisely because they are either deliberately empty darkness. With the ebbing of religious belief, the suffering which belief in part or no one knows who lies inside them, has no true precedents in earlier times.
To composed did not disappear. Disintegration of paradise: nothing makes fatality feel the force of this modernity one has only to imagine the general reaction to more arbitrary. Absurdity of salvation: nothing makes another style of con- the busy-body who 'discovered' the Unknown Soldier's name or insisted on tinuity more necessary.
What then was required was a secular transformation of filling the cenotaph with some real bones. Sacrilege of a strange, contemporary fatality into continuity, contingency into meaning. As we shall see, few things kind!
Yet void as these tombs are of identifiable mortal remains or immortal were are better suited to this end than an idea of nation. If nation-states are souls, they are nonetheless saturated with ghostly national imaginings. This is widely conceded to be 'new' and 'historical', the nations to which they give why so many different nations have such tombs without feeling any need to political expression always loom out of an immemorial past,7 and, still more specify the nationality of their absent occupants.
What else could they be but important, glide into a limitless future. It is the magic of nationalism to turn Germans, Americans, Argentinians.
With Debray we might say, 'Yes, it is quite accidental that I The cultural significance of such monuments becomes even clearer if one tries am born French; but after all, France is eternaL' to imagine, say, a Tomb of the Unknown Marxist or a cenotaph for fallen Needless to say, I am not claiming that the appearance of nationalism Liberals. Is a sense of absurdity avoidable?
If explanation. Nor am I suggesting that somehow nationalism historically 'super- manuscript knowledge was scarce and arcane lore, print knowledge lived by sedes' religion. What I am proposing is that nationalism has to be understood by reproducibility and dissemination. The early printers established branches all over Europe: 'in this way a veritable "international" of publishing houses, Before proceeding to a discussion of the specific origins of nationalism, it may be which ignored national [sIc]frontiers, was created.
Essentially, I were a period of exceptional European prosperity, publishing shared in have been arguing that the very possibility of imagining the nation only arose the general boom. The first of these was concerned to make a profit and to sell their products, and consequently they the idea that a particular script-language offered privileged access to ontological , sought out first and foremost those works which were of interest to the largest truth, precisely because it was an inseparable part of that truth.
It was this idea possible number of their contemporaries. Second was the belief that society was naturally readers. Saturation of this market took about a hundred and fifty years. The organized around and under high centres - monarchs who were persons apart determinativefact about Latin - aside from its sacrality - was that it was a from other human beings and who ruled by some form of cosmological divine language of bilinguals. Relatively few were bor'n to speak it and even fewer, dispensation.
Human loyalties were necessarily hierarchical and centripetal one imagines, dreamed in it. In the sixteenth century the proportion of because the ruler, like the sacred script, was a node of access to being and bilinguals within the total population of Europe was quite small; very likely inherent in it.
Third was a conception of temporality in which cosmology and no larger than the proportion in the world's population today, and - history were indistinguishable, the origins of the world and of men essentially proletarian internationalism notwithstanding - in the centuries to come.
Combined, these ideas rooted human lives firmly in the very nature of Then and now.
The logic of capitalism things, giving certain meaning to the everyday fatalities of existence above all thus meant that once the elite Latin market was saturated, the potentially death, loss, and servitude and offering, in various ways, redemption from them. To be sure, The slow, uneven decline of these interlinked certainties, first in Western the Counter-Reformation encouraged a temporary resurgence of Latin-pub- Europe, later elsewhere, under the impact of economic change, 'discoveries' lishing, but by the mid-seventeenth century the movement was in decay, and social and scientific , and the development of increasingly rapid communica- fervently Catholic libraries replete.
Meantime, a Europe-wide shortage of tions, drove a harsh wedge between cosmology and history. No surprise then money made printers think more and more of peddling cheap editions in the that the search was on, so to speak, for a new way of linking fraternity, power vernaculars. Nothing perhaps more precipitated this search, The revolutionary vernacularizing thrust of capitalism was given further nor made it more fruitful, than print-capitalism, which made it possible for impetus by three extraneous factors, two of which contributed directly to the rapidly growing numbers of people to think about themselves, and to relate rise of national consciousness.
The first, and ultimately the least important, was themselves to others, in profoundly new ways. The Latin they now aspired to write became more and more Ciceronian, the type 'horizontal-secular, transverse-time' become possible. Why, within that and, by the same token, increasingly removed from ecclesiastical and everyday type, did the nation become so popular?
The factors involved are obviously life. In this way it acquired an esoteric quality quite different from that of Church Latin in mediaeval times.
For the older Latin was not arcane because of complex and various. But a strong casecan be made for the primacy of capitalism. As already noted, at least 20,, books had already been printed by its subject matter or style, but simply because it was written at all, i.
Now it became arcane because of what was written, because of ality of Latin in mediaeval Western Europe never corresponded to a universal the language-in-itself.
The contrast with Imperial China, where the reach of the Second was the impact of the Reformation, which, at the same time, owed mandarinal bureaucracy and of painted characters largely coincided, is instruc- much of its success to print-capitalism. Before the age of print, Rome easily won tive. In effect,the political fragmentation of Western Europe after the collapse of every war against heresy in Western Europe because it always had better the Western Empire meant that no sovereign could monopolize Latin and make internal lines of communication than its challengers.
But when in Martin it his-and-only-his language-of-state, and thus Latin's religious authority never Luther nailed his theses to the chapel-door in Wittenberg, they were printed up had a true political analogue. His works represented no less than community. At the same time, nothing suggests that any deep-seated ideolo- one third of all German-language books sold between and Between gical,let alone proto-national, impulses underlay this vernacularization where it and , a total of editions whole or partial of his Biblical occurred.
The case of 'England' - on the northwestern periphery of Latin translations appeared. Prior to the Norman Conquest, the and a popular literature within everybody's reach.
For the the first best-selling author so known. Or, to put it another way, the first writer next century and a half virtually all royal documents were composed in Latin. Between about and this state-Latin was superseded by Norman Where Luther led, others quickly followed, opening the colossal religious French. In the meantime, a slow fusion between this language of a foreign ruling propaganda war that raged across Europe for the next century.
In this titanic class and the Anglo-Saxon of the subject population produced Early English. Gross, R. Boyd, D. Donath, J. Liu, H. Jagatic, T. Stutzman, F. Sege, I. Anderson, B. Wall, L.
Burke, S. Westin, A. Technical report, Equifax, Inc. Acquisti, A. Berry, M.